論文の内容は、自分がかつて野宿者に対してどう思っていたかという導入に始まって、日本と西欧との野宿者の定義の違い、戦後の産業構造の変化による建設土木労働者の増加、それにともなう釜ヶ崎の変化、バブル崩壊後の現状、日雇労働の実態、ＮＰＯ釜ヶ崎の活動の詳細、更にフランスの反排除法やＤＡＬの活動などのかなり詳しい紹介がある。最後に大阪市大の森田さんの「日本の一般市民は野宿者について真剣に考えようとしなかった。我々はこれからは野宿者、市民、ＮＰＯとの緊密な関係を作り上げていく必要がある。役人だけが解決策を用いることができるような垂直的な社会から、市民が積極的に問題の解決に関わることのできる水平的な社会へと変化させていくべきだ」といったコメントを（英訳で）引用して、「It is only through this kind of action that the situation of the homeless is improved. 」という一文で終わる。
I am a student in Osaka YMCA Internatinal High School. My area of interest used to be outside of the homeless issue. I was originally interested in poverty-stricken people in Africa or South East Asia. At school, I was given a lot of oppotunities to study about street children or girls involved in sexual exploitation. We had a weighty discussion and I felt really passionate about it. In the future, I would take action to help these prople, I said. However, thinking of it now, I feel ashamed of myself. My school is twenty-minutes walk from Umeda, where a vast number of homeless people lie down or hopelessly wander. I had a lot of chance to see their miserable condition, but never thought of them until I met Ikuta-san. He actually came to my school and told us about the reality of homeless people. I was tempted to look into more about Kamagasaki, and shocked that how ignorant I had been and how wrong the society was.
I believe emotion without action is useless.
It is not enough to feel bad about homeless people.
It is not enough to feel bad about poverty.
It is not enough to wish that we would give the future the better society because we are the future.
I wrote this essay because I wanted you to know that homeless people are desperate to get away homelessness, and we can actually help them. they are waiting for us to come.
from homeless people's point of viewKana Iizuka
First of all, what exactly is a homeless person? Why do they live on the street, exposed to forceful removal, not having a home to go to? Previous to my visit to Kamagasaki, I had a lot of prejudices and little knowledge about their actual lives. "They chose to live as a homeless, because they could not adapt themselves to this modern industrialized society with a vertical structure", "they just lost their jobs due to the recent economic crisis. It's not my responsibility it is theirs. I have nothing to do with them."
In Umeda, I had often caught glimpses of a wretchedly dressed man collecting cardboard boxes and aluminum cans in a flat car. From time to time, I was faced with a sleeping man exposed to the public eye. I tried not to look at him, passing by quickly. These gloomy spectacles did not tell me anythin but the harshness of their lives, Come to think of it now, I had been trying to avoid them rather than to understand them. Is it just the government who are to blame for shirking responsibility to deal with the homeless? Can they come back to normal life once the economy improves? Or will they remain as they are?
In this essay, I first would like to talk about "homelessness" by analyzing the definition of homeless in European countries as well as that of Japan as a contrast. Subsequently, I would like to introduce a community called Kamagasaki, which is estimated as having up to 25,000-day laborers as residents (Satoshi Enokiuchi, Kamagasaki and Social Works, Chapter One What is Kamagasaki?) In addition, I would like to examine numerous problems occurring at Kamagasaki and how outreach programs supported by diverse Non Profit Organization groups are dealing with the issues. For the final part, I would like to exemplify French measures of homeless people as an ideal outreach program.
Chapter 1; Homelessness: Comparison of Japan and Europe
When you are asked, "What is the definition of homeless?"., what will be your answer? In 1999, in response to a growing number of "people who spend the night outdoor", The Central Administrative Agency in Japan made a liaison conference. Previously, there was not a clear definition of homeless in Japan. People tended to mix homeless with tramps, bums or vagrants (furousha), which implied some negative attitude toward them. In this conference, the word "homeless" is defined for the first time as the following:
Due to a variety of factors, such as layoff, the collapse of family structure, the escape from a normal social life and so on, those who reside along a river, in a park or a station building without having specific residence" (Fujita Masataka, What exactly is a homeless?
In England, the word is defined as "those who have no residence", "those who are excluded from residence for some reasons although he/she has residence"," those who inhabit mobile units such as a automobile or a ship", or" those who have possibility of losing residence within 28 days". Those who are taking refugee temporarily due to natural disasters, those who stay at social supportive facilities, those who are laid off and turn to their friends or relatives, girls who bore children as juveniles and live in mother and baby facilities etc. are all encompassed in the category.
In France there is no definition of homeless. This is because defining the word "homeless" itself will lead to segregating homeless people from the citizen.
It is palpable that the Japanese attitude towards homeless is quite shallow. In Europe, homeless people are classified in deeper way, or hey do not even "rank" homeless. Their wide views of "homelessness" enable them to succeed in helping "homeless people" in their countries. In real terms, contemporary England and France have few people who spend the night on the street because of their relief projects. I will later talk about French relief projects for the homeless as a comparison to that of Japan, after examining the Japanese biggest slum, Kamagasaki, and its outreach programs.
Chapter 2; Kamagasaki-The biggest slum in Japan
The rising momentum of homeless people in Japan is quite visible in urban areas in Japan. According to survey of the Japanese Health and Finance Ministry, there were 20,451 people homeless people in total. They primarily comprise single men, whose age is 55 on average. The majority of them used to be active day laborers that live in community called "yoseba". (Yoseba is slang for area day laborers reside). Brokers usually go there to recruit day labor. The largest of the yosebas in Japan are Sanya in Shinjuku where about 1,5000 day laborers live, Kotobukicho in Yokohama where approximately 6,000 day laborers live, and last but not least, Kamagasaki in Osaka where it has been estimated that as many as 25,000 (provided that the neighboring districts are taken into account, it will reach up to 82,000) reside. In real terms, the increase in number of homeless in Japan is largely due to the rapid increase of homeless people in Metropolitan Osaka. According to the group named Non Profit Organization Kamagasaki, in 1997, it was estimated that there were about 5,000 homeless people in Osaka City. This level of homelessness expanded to drastically around 7,5000 a half year later and to 8,860 by September 1998. As a comparison, in Tokyo, the estimates of homeless people stood at around 4,300 in 1998, although this level increased sharply to 5,800 in 1999. Why does Osaka City have such a large number of homeless people and is still showing growing number? I would like to give a reason for this by analyzing the history of Kamagasaki.
Kamagasaki consists of Hanazono-cho, Haginochaya-cho, Taishi-cho, Tenkajaya-cho, and Sannou- cho in the Nishinari district in Metropolitan Osaka. These areas occupy less than 0,65 square meters. According to the fact-finding of homeless on the spot done by the society for the study of Osaka metropolitan environment issues, more than 60 percent of homeless people in Osaka city have the experience of being employed as day laborers in Kamagasaki. So, this negligible area formerly provided "the bread and butter" of the majority of homeless people in Kamagasaki. In other terms, the reason for their homelessness largely accounts for the situation where Kamagasaki does not function properly. If Kamagasaki does not give you a job, you go broke only to be a homeless person.
History of Kamagasaki
In the 1960's, an era of what you call high economic growth led by heavy industries,
many people who used to be engaged in the agricultural or fishing industries sought new, lucrative jobs in the flourishing manufacturing industry. There was a imminent demand for construction workers (accounting for about 50 per cent of day laborer's jobs), along with manufacturing, (approximately 40 per cent), transportation, and longshoremen workers(about 10 per cent)to support the industry. These jobs required hefty, and "fluid" workers. They wanted a tough work force in large quantities at call. Consequently, in Kamagasaki, the population of day laborers, especially young ones, increased to the utmost limit.
After that, an era of low economic growth came in the 1970s. Such a large work force was no longer needed because during the previous decade, manufacturing, longshoremen jobs and so forth were mechanized. In Kamagasaki, many day laborers who used to be factory workers or longshoremen were compelled to change their jobs into construction jobs. During the decade from 1970 to 1980, it was estimated that roughly 90 per cent of Kamagasaki day laborers worked at construction sites. However, many of the construction jobs are supplied by public enterprises. This meant, day laborers lives were in the government hands.
"In Japan, after World War 2, as a means of fending off the recession, the national and local government has swelled public investment The ratio of construction workers is comparatively high amongst industrialized nations. Public enterprises need a fluid work force since their demands vary from season to season. To meet these special demands, Kamagasaki has been playing a crucial role. They are a so-called "safety valve" of ordinary laborers. According to the labor force investigation done by the Management and Coordination Agency in 1999, in cutting down the number of construction workers, the ratio of the number of day laborer's layoff was 3.8 per cent while that of ordinary laborers was 0.6 per cent. Small and medium sized corporations account for 99 per cent of the enormous Japanese construction industry which accounts for 10 per cent of total GDP. With the collapse of the bubble economy in 1992,the construction industry stabilized itself by making the day laborers redundant" (Yukiko Kawamura, The formation of Kamagasaki as a day laborer's market http://www2.osk.3web.ne.jp/npokama/sotsuron/
kawamura- 1-1 .htm).
In principle, it is manifest that it was the government who created this huge day labor market, where day laborers are always scared by the specter of layoff.
The longer the recession goes on, it is evident that more day laborers find it difficult to procure jobs and become homeless. Do they have any unemployment insurance? Usually, ordinary laborers can live on unemployment insurance for half a year. However, for Kamagasaki day laborers, unemployment insurance does not last so long. For those who experienced long-term unemployment, it is useless. When they registered as active day laborers, they were handed out unemployment insurance insured person's pocketbook (by-name:white pocketbook). It proves that you have worked for more than 26 days in previous the two months, which makes you eligible to receive financial assistance.
"Publicly funded financial assistance is given for 1&-17 days, depending on the types or the number of stamps on the white pocketbook. Amount of money you can receive per day is: the first-class, 7500yen, the second-class, 6200yen, the third-class, 4lOOyen. For Kamagasaki day laborers, this assistance is much more vital than payment from day labor. They are desperate to find jobs for as many days as possible to increase the number of working days. However, according to the outline of Airin Public Employment Security Office, which provides the assistance, in 1999 as many as 40 per cent of registered laborers on average are unable to get jobs for 13 days per month and therefore, unable to receive assistance. This figure tells us that financial assistance for day laborers is not functioning as social security (Yukiko Kawamura, The formation of Kamagasaki as a day labor market http://www2.osk.3web.ne.jp/npokama/sotsuron/kawamura- 1-1 .htm).
Unemployment is not only because of the recession and joblessness. Now there are a lot of yonger people who work as part-time at construction sites. The wanted advertisement shown in Kamagasaki demands you be under 55, or even 50 years old. Considering that most day laborers were 20-30 in 1960s, there are few laborers who are as young as to be eligible to work. The Asahi newspaper depicts the bleak circumstance in Kamagasaki.
"The man sat down next to us (64) commented that 'I want to work, but older than 55 cannot work. The broker whom I have known of for a number of years tries not to look at me in the face. I can understate my age to some extent, but this is useless.' There used be a lot of microbuses used by labor brokers to transport day laborers to construction site. However, these days, automobiles are more common. Priority is given to those who are young and work hard. Brokers are acquainted with these workers and pick up them from automobiles without negotiation, which is called 'Kaotsuke'. The aged are no longer needed"(Asahi newspaper, The winter struggle in Kamagasaki, November 24th, 1997).
Chapter3; NPO Kamagasaki
NPO Kamagasaki was founded in June, 1999. They were certified by the governor of Osaka officially and registered as a corporation. Their main purpose is to implement the following; providing the shelters for those who are compelled to sleep outdoors at night; supporting those who wish to get jobs, especially the aged day laborers; improving the government's unfair treatment towards homeless people; taking precautions against going bankrupt and becoming homeless.
So far, Kamagasaki day laborers had been fighting against the government. They tried hard to get their fundamental human rights, calling for the firm establishment of unemployment insurance for them. The riot that took place in 1999 exemplified their outrages and mistrust.
"A day laborer in Kamagasaki was accidentally ran over by a car. He was still breathing, but the police officer from Nishinari police department covered him with a straw mat as if he were already dead. He did not bother to call an ambulance. His deed ignited the conflict between day laborers and the government, and the riot occurred" ( from the handout in the volunteer class),
The majority of Kamagasaki day laborers consider the government untrustworthy. However, the government has finally moved to combat the issue. For example, the Ministry of Finance and Health established the supportive center for homeless people (Jiritsu Shien center). The trouble with this is that many homeless people are not sure how to utilize this facility. NIPO Kamagasaki introduces the process and plays the role of go-between. They are what is called "lubrication" of homeless people and the government.
NPO Kamagasaki's major achievement
Offering the shelter
Homeless people had been forced to seek a place to sleep in. They walked all the way to Namba or Shinsaibashi from Kamagasaki to sleep under arcades every day, every night. Otherwise, particularly in wintertime, they end up in dying on the street. On behalf of homeless people, NPO Kamagasaki negotiated with Osaka government to win the shelter. At first, they gained the victory over the right of sleeping under the Aim Public Employment Security Office. Another victory followed. Osaka provided two huge tents. Now they run these two emergency shelters on Osaka city government's commission. Every day they have to line up to get queuing tickets. In total, these two are capable of accommodating about 600 people, but this is far from perfect. In wintertime, approximately 200 people are left out. Some people line up from as early as 12 in the afternoon. Also, the meal distribution is insufficient. Dried bread supplied by Osaka government is handed out in the shelter, but for male adults, this is not enough. Elderly people nurse a grievance over hard bread. NPO Kamagasaki considers that there is much room for improvement.
Providing special cleaning jobs
As indicated, it is almost impossible for those over 55 to obtain jobs. However, according to the Aim Public Employment Security Office, as many as 7506-day laborers who possess white pocketbooks are over 55. This accounts for 53.9 per cent of total population of white pocketbook possessors. To combat this ever-growing number of non-active day laborers, NPO Kamagasaki provides special cleaning jogs(Koureisha Tokubetsu Seisou) solely for those over 55 on a rotation system. Osaka government pays their wages. At first, NPO Kamagasaki recruited those over 55 to let them officially register for this job. Currently, 3315 people are registered and 190 people work per day. They mainly clean the roads within Kamagasaki, or other districts of Osaka city. Their jobs also encompass the cleaning of day care centers or kindergartens, or painting of playground facilities. They work from 8 a.m to 3 p.m, and are paid 5700 yen( if you get a lunchbox, 400 yen is subtracted). The likelihood of your getting work per month is twice and your income is little more than 10000 yen. It seems that this is only a drop in the ocean, but according to the questionnaires done by NPO Kamagasaki, two-third of the people thinks that this special job brought about some changes or improvements to their lives, and their feelings. They give the following reasons for their changes; I become able to stay at day-laborers lodgings(doya) five times a month; My diet has become a lot better; Frequency of picking up food on the street was reduced; My life does not change so much, but I feel a lot better than before and so on. For the present, this scheme has improved their homeless conditions. Still, this little money is not sufficient to get away from the necessity of spending the night outdoors. Nonetheless, in order to receive unemployment insurance, you have to work at least 13 days a month, which NEG Kamagasaki is aiming to achieve. More working days are demanded.
In running the shelters and the rotational cleaning jobs, NIPO Kamagasaki encounter many aged people who are in great need of help. NPO staff counsel with them, and if they are over 65, the staff recommend them to apply for welfare relief. The trouble is that unless you have a specific residence, you are not eligible for receiving welfare relief. This is the major hindrance for Kamagasaki inhabitants. NPO Kamagasaki first advise them to move into the welfare apartments, for which they have made arrangement beforehand.
These welfare apartments were formerly day-laborers lodgings (doya). NPO Kamagasaki, and other organizations collaborated to reform from temporary lodgings to housing available to live in permanently. These apartments are not perfect, though. For example, the tenants have to share the restroom, bathroom, and kitchens. The monthly rent is as high as 41800 yen, which is the same as housing allowance from welfare relief. Also, you have to pay an additional 5000-8000 yen for lighting and heating expenses. The advantages are that you do not have to pay a security deposit. The staff in the apartments know that tenants will receive welfare relief, so they are fully knowledgeable about the procedure, which can be confusing for older people.
Supportive activities and aftercare Article twenty-five of the Constitution declares, "All the nations possess the right to live wholesome, civilized lives which grantees the minimum standard of living". From the financial standpoint, the welfare apartment and welfare relief may satisfy this requirement. However, what if he cannot live healthy life even after moving into the
Amongst Kamagasaki day laborers, there are many alcoholics due to desperation of long-term poverty and severe lifetimes. Even though these alcoholics are talked into receiving welfare relief and live in the apartment, they cannot give up their habitual drinking. They waste no time in transforming every bit of money into sake or beer.
Some people do not know how to use money at all. They receive about 80,000 yen as living a allowance on top of the housing allowance. According to survey of NPO Kamagasaki, Kamagasaki day laborers earn 29,520 yen on average per month. 80,000 yen will look a large amount of money for those who have experienced long-term poverty. Now that they can use this much money freely, they should buy nutritious, tasty foods to improve their health, or whatever they need to supplement their lives. On the contrary, those who have survived stringent poverty try to save as much money as possible. They do not eat except for the crust of bread that is free of charge, or are confined to bed not to become hungry. Some people do not take baths. Others go out and spend the night outdoors again.
NPO Kamagasaki endeavors to find these people as early as possible. They take alcoholics to the hospital, or transfer them to a rest home. They sometimes contact with a self-help group for alcoholics and introduce it to them. For those who cannot live on their own, NPO Kamagasaki take care of their taking bath or attend them in the mealtime.
It is not unprecedented that a tenant suddenly leaves the apartment, never to return. They may have needed some help other than financial aid. However, they do not know that it is okay to turn to others. They have been making their lives by themselves as a day laborer or have subsisted on a little money that they get from can collecting. It is not easy for them to ask for help. NPO Kamagasaki is trying to instruct them to say whatever they wish to in hope of establishing a reliable relationship.
Chapter4; The ideal outreach programs in France
In France, the numbers of homeless people sleeping on the streets at night is very minuscule. Is this because there are many shelters open throughout the day? Or camp beds attached to subway stations for them to use at night? Or is it because of the excellent social welfare system? These measures may contribute to lessen the number of people who do not have home. In fact, the French government is taking more fundamental approach.
In 1998, the government enforced the law resistant to social exclusion. Specifically speaking, this law is for those who do not have secure job (day laborers are included in this category), unemployed people, those who are dependant on government aid (such as a fatherless family), those who are living in a home, and those who are living in inappropriate housing (such as shelter residents). The main purpose is not only to give them financial aid, but also to restore their citizenships and include them into society again. To achieve this end, the government also focuses on the root of the condition excluding them from society. The final goal is to provide secure jobs and comfortable housings for everyone. For example, the government made the publicly funded school to train them so that they can be skilled workers. The school is willing to let them get certificates advantageous for certain jobs. Also, for those who return to normal life, but fall into arrears with their rent again, the government takes a special measure. They can claim financial aid and the right not to be forced out of their home by the government.
The government was not willing to do so much in the first place. Many autonomous private groups pressed the government. They became so powerful that the government allowed them to use the national subsidy. A sociologist and the professor at Osaka municipal University Morita Youji states, "In France, whole nation are fully aware of the situation. They regard unemployment, severe poverty and homelessness as their responsibilities. They consider it natural that these poverty-stricken people should enjoy the benefits of social security"(Suffering of homeless people, Asahi Newspaper, 2002, November, 7th)
The most distinguished private group that stands for the French nation's awareness is DAL. During bubble economy in France, some company purchased a lot of buildings for speculative purposes. When the bubble economy collapsed, these buildings lost their values and became vacant. Ever since 1990, DAL had been claiming the right of occupancy of poverty-stricken people on the court. On December 1994, DAL lead 60 families that do not have home to these buildings and occupied them. They declared that they would found "Public University" together. There they opened the workshops ran by computer experts, artists and teachers who gave consent
to DAL.DALdemonstrated that everybody has the right to live in comfortable housing and to be
educated, as the Constitution declares.
The court decided that their demonstration was rational. This jurisdiction stimulated the government. The government promised that they would pave the way for one billion franc of relief fund and legitimize the law resistant to social exclusion.
As a result of my study in this area, I had been inspired to look more closely into the situation of the homeless. It is evident that there are a number of reasons contributing to the existence of homelessness. The government needs to address this problem at a grass root level. They must educate the public to the plight of the homeless as well as changing government policy. The professor Morita Youji comments that,
"Japanese citizens do not discuss what they can do to homeless people. In the past, they strongly protested against building a shelter in Nagai Park. They just tried to get rid of homeless people. It seemed as if the homeless people were to blame. This typified Japanese citizen's immature consciousness. We should consider their situation deeper and make a close, triangle relationship of NPO, citizens, and homeless people. We ought to change from vertical governance in which only public office takes measures to horizontal governance where the citizens of the country take an active role" (Suffering of homeless people, Asahi Newspaper, 2002, November, 7th).
It is only through this kind of action that the situation of the homeless is improved.